Transnational Terror Links: Case of Bangladesh
Ambassador Wali-ur Rahman [1]
“The rise of religious influence within politics is a global phenomenon. How nations and individuals integrate religious and political expression is perhaps the most compelling challenge of our time"
"For the last 30 years, religion has exploded as a powerful political force, with an army of followers who share a deep dissatisfaaion with modem secular society and a fierce determination to bring God and religion batok to the seat of power. We call them "God's warriors.
Christiane Amanpour [2]
An Overview
Terrorism and transnational terror links of Bangladesh has been an interesting case study for the researchers and strategists for basically three reasons. Firstly, situated at the north of the Bay of Bengal, sandwiched between two big powers China and India, this small country Bangladesh has a great geo-political importance; secondly, the country has an overwhelming Muslim majority with sincriatic mindset; thirdly it has suffered a lot from Islamist terror and now it can be presented as the only state in South Asia which has shown remarkable success in curbing terrorism. I said ‘remarkable’ because not long ago it was a country, which was predicted by the international press to be on its way of becoming the “next Taliban state”. Undoubtedly still there are many more miles to go and many thousands of odds to be encountered, Bangladesh is moving slowly but surely towards a democratic future under the present Caretaker Government.
Regarding the question of ‘transnational terror links’, there exist virtually two major schools of thoughts. One who dismisses concept of any possible transnational terror link. This group argues that Bangladeshi terrorist groups are homegrown. They do not receive any ‘transnational’ assistance or favor in cash or kind. This group also argues that Bangladeshi terrorist groups are small non-state entities, which were used by the political parties with overt and covert ‘Islamist’ or ‘Ultra-left’ agenda. They also argue that there exists no strong, visible or perhaps reasonable link between the internationally known terrorist groups with the Bangladeshi terrorists.
The second school of thought quite often quotes the American Taliban John Walker Lindh who mentioned about Bangladeshi Jihadis who were trained in and fought for Afghanistan. They present Hambali’s remarks on Bangladesh, which represents that Bangladeshi terrorists have a transnational link, albeit an invisible one. They also cite the investigative reporting published in international media.
Which school is right? It is often a baffling question to answer. But I would rather suggest a different approach that will consider the historical evolution of Islamism in Bangladesh taking into account the much-debated matrix of transnational terror links. My paper will certainly not judge the schools, rather it will give you an idea upon which you will be able to judge the schools, and come to a very reasonable and rational conclusion. A part of the paper will be devoted to examine how Bangladesh is managing terrorism with a very modest budget on counter-terrorism. What we have done so far, how far we have succeeded and what needs to be done, and what really are the challenges.
Transnational Terrorism
The term “transnational terrorism” is indicative of the shifts and changes that have been attendant on terrorism itself. Terrorism is no longer a largely “domestic” phenomenon, where a few disgruntled actors espousing leftist (or capitalist ambitions) committed acts of violence that were primarily aimed at gaining world publicity and showing the state in a bad light. The aphorism that “terrorists want a lot of publicity, and not a lot of people dead” caps in a nutshell the typical operating patterns of the past. Groups avoided targeting patterns that would earn them the hostility of the populace, and indeed did everything to ensure that the cause and objectives they upheld had a degree of legitimacy and sympathy among them. By and large, terrorist groups had clear political ends, and their patrons were known, as well as their affiliations. Terrorism was thus largely committed to serve political ends and evolved and grew as a separate activity of violence, distinct from war or conflict.
Thomas M. Sanderson in his article Transnational Terror and Organized Crime: Blurring the Lines has said that the global war on terrorism is constricting the flow of financial support to terror groups. To circumvent these measures, transnational terrorist organizations are moving deeper into organized criminal activity. This transition poses a tremendous challenge to states struggling with a threat that has changed significantly since September 11. Sanderson wrote that merging of transnational organized crime and international terrorism is on the rise.[3]
Before 1989, terrorism was a way to fight for ‘national’ identity as in the liberation movements of the 1960s of which struggles in Northern Ireland provides a ready example. The targets for the terrorists then were largely the population of the great powers. In modem times, new political complexities emerged, which provided the opportunity for one state to label a person a terrorist while another was calling him a hero or freedom fighter introducing certain value judgments in the debates on terrorism. Terrorism in an interdependent world has two main innovative characteristics i.e. deregulation and privatization. It can be stated that the globalization of terrorism is a consequence of its deregulation and adaptation to the effects of a globalized world. Transnational terrorists benefit from modem communication systems and transportation, global sources of funding, and they are more knowledgeable in the use and procurement of weapons.[4]
Of Radical Islam and Islamism
Before going into further discussion it will be very relevant to discuss about radical Islam or Islamism as just like many other countries, in Bangladesh Islam has been misinterpreted to mobilize support for the terrorists.
Radical Islam or Islamism, although it may stem from a need for identity or as a reaction to the West and secularization, is for many a fight for power. This is not to say that all Islamists are power hungry and selfish, but that it has become a tool for those who are, exploiters and manipulators have always used religion self-righteously to further their own selfish ends[5]. Tariq Ali also refers to the ‘sincere people of religion as being in conflict with organized religion.
Defining Ideology and Islamism
What do we mean when we say the ideology of radical Islam? The Oxford Dictionary defines ideology as being, ‘a system of ideas at the basis of economic or political theory.’ The Webster Dictionary defines it as being, ‘ideas and objectives that influence a whole group.’ By looking at these definitions I will use ideology as being created by a group of people in order to control the way that society works.
Islamism or radical Islam on the other hand can be defined as, ‘a political orientation based on a specific conservative religious view of Muslim fundamentalism. It is one that holds Islam as being not only a religion, but a system that governs the political, economic and social imperatives of the state.’
Origins of Islamism
So where did it all begin? There has been much debate on where the ideology of the, modem Islamists groups originated. The resurgence of the ideals to its present day status occurred post the 1967 Arab-Israeli war; however, the ideology had existed long before this. It has been argued that Islamism or radical Islam has its origins with Hassan al- Banna and the establishment of the Islamic Brotherhood in Egypt, in 1928. This was the establishment of the modem ideology; however, I feel that it is very important to go back further than this, to the 3rd century AD to be exact, in order to understand why they re-emerged in the 20th century.
During the reign of the 3rd Caliph, Uthman Ibn ‘Affan a group of Muslims formed a group calling themselves al-khawarij; translated literally this means the outsiders. They disagreed with the means with which Ibn ‘Affan had come to power and with his methods. From here stem one of the beliefs of the modem Islamists, the belief that the people have a right to question or walk out on their political and religious leaders if they feel that their best interests are not being served. This is because the ultimate absolute sovereignty and rulership lies with God (al-hakimiyya li Allah). From al-khawarij we also see the beginnings of the use of Shari’ a criminal law and the punishment of non-believers.
In the 13th century an author emerged who reiterated the beliefs of al-khawarij; he was a Syrian jurist called Ibn Taimiya. He was driven by what he saw as a corrupt Arab World under the Abbasid Dynasty and his works later greatly influenced the Wahhabi movement in present day Saudi Arabia. It was the struggle for power rather than religious ideology that drove the early rulers of the Middle East and this lead to the area becoming increasingly more secular. Ibn Taimiya was horrified by the actions of the Muslim Tatars and the compromises he felt that the politicians were giving non-Muslims, mainly the Mongols and the Crusaders. ‘Islam had to be purified. All the accretions that had attached themselves to Islam since the times of the prophet were like barnacles on a boat. They had to be scraped off. Muslims should refer only to the original texts.’[6]
Mawdudi and al Banna when emphasizing their dissatisfaction with the colonizing powers. His agreement with al-khawarij on the removal of corrupt leaders was used by Muhammed Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. Regarding the more modem phenomenon of martyrdom, many of the Islamists refer to Ibn Taimiya for justification regarding this method of violence, Death of the martyrs for the unification of all the people in the cause of God and His word is the happiest, best, easiest and most virtuous of deaths.[7]
Muhammed Ibn Abd al-Wahhab lived on the Arab peninsula in the 16th and 17th centuries, which was at the time under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. Al-Wahhab grew tired of the economic hardships that he saw so many people suffering from, and believed that society must return to ‘pure beliefs’ in order to mend the deviation from Islam that the Ottoman Empire had created.
The spread of Wahabism really materialized when Abd al-Wahhab joined forces with, Muhammed Ibn Saud in 1744. Ibn Saud was looking for an ideology that justified his violent ways, and Abd al-Wahhab needed an army to spread his beliefs through jihad. Wahhabism was eventually defeated in 1811 by an Ottoman army lead by Muhammed Ali. Ironically, one hundred years later, the descendants of Abd al-Wahhab and Ibn Saud joined with the British in order to gain more control on the peninsula; Abd al-Wahhab’s descendants were now the ‘the instrument of the infidel.’[8] However, Wahhabism did have a great deal of influence on al-Mawdudi and al- Banna in the early 20th century.
Two men are the founders of what many call modem radical Islam or Islamism and they on their part drew most of their inspiration from those that I have just discussed. First, there was Abu Ala al-Mawdudi, a Pakistani journalist at the beginning of the 20th century, who concentrated most of his work on the Muslims of India. His movement was driven, like that of al-Banna in Egypt, as a reaction to the colonization by the British. With the colonization of most of Africa and the Middle East by Europeans during the 18th and 19th centuries, the security of Islam was weaken even further as western political ideas were imposed on these countries. The tradition of western political thought which had been established over many centuries, encouraged the secularization of society, the breaking of bonds between religion and politics, the notion of rule by the people for the people and the promotion of capitalist and other economic agendas; all of these clashed with the beliefs of the Islamic world.[9] Islamic rules and an Islamic society were seen as the only way to fight against the increasing winterization of society under the colonizing power. For these two lands were among the first to come under the impact of the West. Western influence thus had time to penetrate the local culture. Many were alarmed by what they considered the undermining of Islam from within and despairing of coming to terms with that alien culture without forfeiting their ancient identity.[10] People in the Middle East felt that they were losing their identity. Western frames of government were imposed by the colonizers. Most of the elite in the Middle Eastern societies were educated in Western institutions and saw ‘modernization’ of their countries as the way forward, and a means of independence from the colonizers. Nationalism seized the countries of the Middle East and brought independence from the presence of the colonizers but it did not remove their influence. Even after the Middle Eastern countries gained their independence, the West maintained a great amount of control over the area through the systems that they had set up and the elite, which they had educated. But these people were as I have said an elite, they were not from the lower end of society, they were not the uneducated or the manual labourers; this is where the Islamists found their driving force, they appealed to all.
Al-Banna incorporated jihad or holy war into his politics as a means of rejecting Western ideologies. He advocated a return to the roots of religion, ‘to create a mass-based populist organization that would encourage Egyptian Muslims to renew their interests in the faith of Islam.’[11] Al-Banna’s most significant contribution and the reason why his organization became so prominent in modern Islamism, was his focus on Education. He set up schools, which were to educate people on Islam, da’wa wa tabligh. These schools were very popular, especially at the grass root level where many people did not enjoy the economic benefits of colonial rule. Al-Banna preached no class distinction, which made the Muslim Brothers very popular across Egypt and soon spread their message across the Arab World; movements emerged in Syria, Jordan, Sudan and other parts of North Africa. ‘Al-Banna developed a distinctive concept of the comprehensiveness of Islam, in which an Urban Muslim could live much of his life without reference to the Western and secular influences around him.’[12]
Al-Banna was satisfied to act as a conscience for the Egyptian people, but there were others among the Muslim Brothers who wanted to have a more active role in politics and in society. After al-Banna’s assassination in 1949, this idea was very much at the forefront of Sayyid Qutb’s leadership. Qutb placed great importance on, an Islamic order established by the sword[13], in other words a Jihad. He felt that by leading a Jihad, he would be liberating the souls of the people of Egypt and allowing them to return to faith and to move away from the state system. During his imprisonment from 1954 till 1965, he wrote on Islamic history and the problems of jahiliya or religious ignorance; Qutb wrote about the need to change every aspect of society. As J. Esposito discusses with regard to Qutb’s influence on the Islamist movement, it can be seen in the two options-evolution, a process which emphasis’s revolutionary change from below, and revolution, the violent overthrow of established systems of government.[14] Karen Armstrong goes as far as
to say that Qutb can be called ‘the founder of Sunni fundamentalism’[15]. This is mainly due to his discussion of jahiliya with regard to the Muslim World. Mawdudi had written about it only in relation to the non-Muslim World, but Qutb was convinced that the Muslim world was also riddled with evil values and jahiliyyah. ‘We are today in a jahiliyyah similar to that contemporaneous to Islam or worse. Everything around us is a jahiliyyah: people’s perceptions and beliefs, habits and customs, the sources of their culture, arts and literature, and their laws and legislations. Even much of what we think of as being Islamic culture, Islamic sources or Islamic philosophy and thought, is in fact the making of this jahiliyyah.’[16]
The Islamist movements provided a system of codes, which were an alternative to the Western model. They used vocabulary and terminology based on local references, ‘restores the precious symbolic continuing interrupted by the irruption of Western categories.’[17] As well as a system of codes, the Islamists provided a space in the form of the mosque, which was completely separate from the control of the state. The ideas spread rapidly through the Middle East as more and more regimes grew tired of colonizing powers and corrupt governments.
Although the Islamism movement gained a lot of power and prestige at the beginning of the 20th century, there was another movement, which outshone it. This was pan-Arabism. This was a movement to try and create a sense of cultural unity between all Arabs. It was a form of political-cultural movement against the West, but with a modernist view of Islam and its place in politics. Here we can look at the writings of al-Afghani, Abduh and Rida; they concentrated on, ‘the need to revive the Muslim community through a process of reinterpretation or reformation of their Islamic heritage in light of the contemporary world’[18]. This movement was very popular because it provided people with a sense of identity, incorporating the ‘modern’ world with their Islamic principles. It made Islam part of their life, as it had been for centuries, while allowing them to carry on with their daily life.
Islam and the West
Islam, Law and Justice. Islam as preached by Prophet Mohammad (peace be upon him) has a rich history in the pursuit of the principles of law and jurisprudence, supported democratic values, fairness and social justice. Those principles have also the potential for limiting and autocratic regimes. The principles of Geneva Conventions, 1949, and the Additional Protocols, 1973-74, protecting the POWS were in effect practiced by Prophet Mohammad in many Treaties including that of Hudaibia. The Ottoman Empire had employed the Christian jamissaries as the top generals in the army including the commander in chief. They conquered of Europe including Spain, and came up to La Tour in France. The Caliphate disintegrated when the Islamic fundamentalists took over the control from the moderates; the Christians and the Jews were removed from the army. They lost their secular spirit and the Empire. Ibn Khaldun, known as the father of the empirical study of history (13th Century) through his PROLEGOMENA, enunciated the principles of history writing, history of homo sapiens, history of civilization: Ranke or Sorel and later, much, later Gibbon and Toyenbee derived inspiration from Ibn Khaldun. These historians, chroniclers of the progress of civilization, submitted to the idea of moderation as the vehicle of statecraft.[19]
Islam and the West are not engaged in a clash of civilizations – at least not yet. But the West is being drawn into clash of two competing ideologies within the Islamic world. Proponents of the first believe that Islam is compatible with secular democracy and basic civil liberties. Proponents of the second are committed to replacing the current world order with a new caliphate – that is, a global Islamic state. They are the ones who seek to trigger a true clash of civilizations, partly in order to force more moderate Muslims to choose their interpretations of Islam.
Extremist Islamist organizations such as al Qaeda have become well known in recent years for trying to accomplish their objectives through terrorism and political violence. Less well known, however, are the complementary organizations devoted not to direct action but to ideological struggle. Of these, the most important has been Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT, or the Party of Liberation), a transnational movement that has served as radical Sunni Islamism’s ideological vanguard.
| HT is not itself a terrorist organization, but it can usefully be thought of as a conveyor belt for terrorists. It indoctrinates individuals with radical ideology, priming them for recruitment by more' extreme organizations where they can take part in actual operations. By combining fascist rhetoric, Leninist strategy, and Western sloganeering with Wahbabi theology, HT has made itself into a very real and potent threat that IS extremely difficult for liberal societies to counter. |
HT’s ideology and theology, which are derived from those of other radical Islamist groups, are simplified to make them more accessible to the masses. Whereas many other Islamist groups insist that their particular religious interpretation is the only valid one or are obsessed with a single issue, such as Israel or Kashmir, HT keeps its focus on the broader goal of uniting all Muslims under the Islamist banner and thus emphasizes issues of more general concern, such as the clash of civilizations or the injustices suffered by Muslims worldwide. Other radical Islamists therefore tend to see the group not as a competitor but as an ally and often use HT’s concepts and literature (readily available on the Internet) to rally their own supporters.
HT’s greatest achievement to date is that it has shifted the terms of debate within the Muslim world. Until a few years ago, most Islamist groups considered the notion of establishing a new caliphate a utopian goal. Now, an increasing number of people consider it a serious objective. And after decades of stressing the existence and unity of a global Islamic community (umma), HT can take pride in the growing feeling among Muslims that their primary identity stems from, and their primary loyalty is owed to, their religion rather than their race, ethnicity, or nationality.[20]
HT has a very active organization in Bangladesh. It has its own web site and a group of young supporters mostly within an age group of 18-25. So far no evidence of terrorist link has been found and therefore the HT is not banned in Bangladesh.
Terrorism in Bangladesh: Looking Through a Historical Prism
Islam has long been overtly used by the politicians of Bangladesh for narrow political gain. This has been echoed in many civil society forums where speakers emphasized that politics of religion is root of terrorism. We believe in Islam: we practice Islam but we are not extremists. The problem comes when politicians use religion for their own game.[21]
| In Bangladesh perspective, terrorism is a widely used term, generally mean criminal-acts. Bangladesh has faced the challenges of various types of terrorisms like ideological ethnic and criminal terrorism. A concerted bomb explosion all over the century on 17 August 2005 has manifested the dormant potency of religious fanatic. It has put the nation in awkward predicament. Poor governance, socio-economic factors, ominous political culture, religious fanaticism etc. are the prime causes of terrorism in Bangladesh. Certain supra-national causes are also contributor to this widespread terrorism[22]. |
When Great Britain gave up its control of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, that area was divided between Hindus and the Muslims. Countless members of each faith were killed in ensuing conflict and in the subsequent wars between India and the newly created state of Pakistan. The tactical use of religious sentiments in the last phase of anti-British movement the communal riot and the subsequent partition of British India along the religious lines had a far reaching impact; ironically, it introduced and nourished and fortified the concept of the politics of Islam in South Asia. Politics of Islam has uniquely evolved in South Asia, one of the most densely populated regions of the world. This region has a total Muslim population of 500 million. Many parts of this region, is marked by poverty, and a very low literacy rate.
The Holy Book and the Unholy Interpretations
To Muslims all over the world Quran is the sacred book. The book is respected, as it is the written form of the words of Allah according to Islamic belief. The misinterpretation of the holy Quran has been a strategy to mobilize support and recruiting terrorists in many parts of the Islamic world. Quran has been grossly misinterpreted by some clerics to legitimize killing of the non-Muslims. A noted scholar Vincenzo Oliveti in his book ‘Terror’s Source’ says that Jihad is a Holy War of legitimate self-defense. I would like to quote the holy Quran:
| “And fight in the way of God those who fight you, but do not commit aggression, God Ioveth not the aggressors. . .” (Holy Quran, 2:190)[23]
|
In Islam, Jihad (Holy War) can only be declared when Muslim lives and lands are threatened or invaded.
The Quran says (22:39): Sanction is given unto those who fight because they have been wronged; and God is indeed able to give them victory. The reason for this is given as (2:251): And if God had not repelled some men by means of others the earth would have been corrupted .. . .[24] |
The Prophet himself said:
| Attack in the Name of God, but do not revert to treachery; do not kill a child; neither kill a woman; do not wish to confront the enemy…. .[25] |
Transnational Terror Link
Like many other regions of the world South Asia is a victim of terrorism. Much of the terrorist related problems of South Asia have strong links with Talibanism of Afghanistan. For three decades Afghanistan remains in a war-like situation. The activities of the Talibans have reached a new dimension. The secular forces are currently at the risk of a defeat in Afghanistan’s Helmand province (in Pakistan border) and surrounding places. Some may choose to describe this critical situation as the clash of civilizations, while some may not. No matter how we look at it, political Islam is spreading and fortifying its bases in the Islamic world.
Islamists have long-term strategic goals for Middle East and Central Asia; therefore creating a strong base in South Asia will give them an extra geo-political leverage. There are of course abundant empirical evidences of political Islam spreading its sphere of influence in this part of the globe not only with terror but also with ideology. It will be appropriate to mention about the activities of Hizb-ut Tahrir (HT), which has been diagnosed as a threat to the free societies. The long-term goal of HT is to change the existing status quo and creating a global Islamic Caliphate. Bangladesh has banned a number of Islamic groups and organizations to check terrorism, but HT is still at large. It can be noted that HT is banned in Egypt, Syria and Jordan. Hizb-ut Tahrir reportedly has 10,000 members in the country; most of them are college and university students.
Islamist terrorism rapidly evolved in the last thirty years and now it has an unimaginable strength, which analysis often fails to understand. During the mid 1980s the non-Afghan especially the Pakistani born mujahids who participated in the Afghan ‘jihad’, implemented a mass upsurge in Kashmir and created a new field for ‘Jihad’. Some of these organizations were based in Pakistan and allegedly supported by Pakistan Intelligence known as ISI. The driving force of the Afghan Jihad was ISI and CIA as Brig. Gen. M Shakhawat Hussain (Retd), currently an Election Commissioner in Bangladesh wrote in a recently published article. Brookings Institution Research scholar Prof Stephen Cohen who called Pakistan a failed state before 9/11, stated (about Pakistan) that the largest Islamic sects with the greatest control over the religious school (Madrassa) are the Deobands as opposed the Barlevis, who were most militant in their demand for Pakistan to become truly Islamic.
It is worth noting that not only Afghan and Pak nationals joined the Talibans, but also thousands of Muslims from across the Indian sub-continent went to be indoctrinated in Talibanism. The Afghan Jihadi ideology was a galvanizing force for many Bangladeshi Islamists. The American Taliban John Walker Lindh suggested that the Al-Qaeda led Brigades in Afghanistan were divided among linguistic lines, of which Bengali was one. This indicates that Bangladeshi and Rohingya presence may have been significant.
In Bangladesh, however there are some positive developments. The interim government led by Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, has already given a signal to the international community by his declared policy of zero tolerance towards religious extremism. It is expected that Bangladesh can set an example in South Asia by eliminating terrorism and its source, which is politics in the name of Islam.
The politics of Islam in Bangladesh had both external and internal dimensions. Numerous media reports can be found on how some oil-rich Middle Eastern, countries financially and morally supported and sustained the sprawling growth of Islamist politics in Bangladesh. Pakistan is alleged to have generously supported such activities. Besides, JI has long been present in Bangladesh politics but only came to power as a coalition partner in the last government headed by Begum Khaleda Zia.
Political Islam in Bangladesh: Latest facts and figures
- Media and the research institutions report that out 100 terrorist organizations 15-25[26] organizations are currently active.
- Some of the terrorist organizations are changing their names and locations to bluff the law enforcement agencies of Bangladesh.
- Jamat-e-IsIami alleged source of all terrorist activities in Bangladesh has created a strong base in Bangladesh with its 42 organizations working in the social, cultural, educational, financial and health sectors.
- JI has reportedly targeted to strengthen their political bases in three administrative divisions in Bangladesh. These are: Rajshahi, Khulna, and Chittagong. It has been reported that the Islamic NGOs are aiding JI to attain its goal.
- Currently the annual income of the fundamentalist economy is Taka 12 billion (US$ 166 million) p.a. It has become an economy within an economy. With such huge revenue, some of leading religion-based parries like JI are trying to buy popular support through its affiliated NGOs working in the rural areas of Bangladesh.
- A prime target of the Islamists in Bangladesh is the education sector. JI has managed to establish strong bases in 5 universities and 12 colleges across the country.
- Hizb-ut-Tahrir is using anti-globalization propaganda to draw popular support from the urban youth. Much of the publications and website postings are filled with anti-American and anti-Indian propaganda.
- The last government led by Begun Khaleda Zia gave recognition to the Qaomi Madrassa certificate. The Qaomi Madrassas are known as a prime breeding ground of terrorists. These theological schools preach hatred through the misinterpretations of the holy Quran, which strongly argues for jihad. Although recent researches has shown that in JMB militant organization only 19 percent are from the Qaomi Madrassas.
References:
1 . Wali-ur Rehman is the Director and CEO of Bangladesh Institute of Law and International Affairs (BILIA), Dhaka. He is a Former Secretary, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Mr. Rehman studied at Trinity College, Oxford. Between Geneva and New York, he spent about 15 years in the UN system. He was the first Bangladesh Representative to the UN in Geneva and he served as Deputy Ambassador to the Security Council as Bangladesh Representative from 1979-80. Mr. Rehman is Member of International Institute of Strategic Studies (IISS), London since 1975.
2 Christiane Amanpour is the Chief International Correspondent of CNN. She has recently conducted a special program “God's Warrior” which explored the rising influence of religion around the world. In the program she delved into the world of Christian, Jewish, and Muslim zealots to investigate the global phenomenon of religious influence within politics.
3 Thomas M. Sanderson, Transnational Terror and Organized Crime: Blurring the Lines, SAIS Review - Volume 24, Number 1, Winter-Spring 2004.
4 A T M Amin Ph.D., Director, Counter Terrorism Bureau, Government of Bangladesh, [the paper is entitled “Civil-Military Relationship: Bangladesh Perspective.”] The paper was presented at an International workshop on ‘Democracy, Governance and Security Reforms’ held in August 2007.
5 Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms, New York, 2002.
6 R Baer, Sleeping with the Devil, Crown publishing, New York: 2003, p.116.
7 Bowyer Bell quoting Ibn Taimiya in Murder on the Nile, Rout ledge, London: 1998.
8 Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and Modernity, 2002 London: Versa publishing.
9 B. Milton-Edwards, Contemporary Politics in the Middle East Polity Press, Cambridge: 2000.
10 E. Sivan, Medieval Theology and Modern Politics, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1985.
11 Milton-Edwards, Contemporary Politics in the Middle East Polity Press, Cambridge: 2000.
12 N. Ayubi, Political Islam: Religion and Politics in the Arab World; Routledge, London: 1991.
13 B. Milton-Edwards, Contemporary Politics in the Middle East Polity Press, Cambridge: 2000.
14 J. Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality? Oxford University Press, Oxford: 1992.
15 K. Armstrong, The Battle for God: Fundamentalism in Judaism. Christianity and Islam Clays Ltd, London: 2001.
16 S. Qutb, Ma'alim.li al-tariq (Signposts on the Road) 1985 Damascus and Qurn: Dar aI-Naser publishing.
17 F. Burgat, Face to Face with Political Islam I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd, New York: 2003.
18 J. Esposito, Islam and Politics Syracuse University Press, New York. 1984.
19 Wali-ur Rehman, “Rites of Passage: Rise of Religious Extremism in Bangladesh” the lecture was delivered at London in a seminar organized by International Institute of Strategic Studies (IlSS) in 2005.
20 Zeyo Baran, “Fighting the War of Ideas,” Foreign Affairs, November/December 2005
21 Professor Najma Begum, University of Dhaka, Bangladesh quoted in Aryn Baker, “Beyond Faith”, Time, Vol. 170, No.6, August 13,2007.
22 Lieutenant Colonel Kazi A S M.Arif, “Terrorism in Bangladesh-Quest for Counteraction,” National Defense College Journal, 2006.
23 The translation is taken from Vincenzo Oliveti’s book Terror’s Source: The Ideology of Wahabi-Salafism and its Consequences, Amadeus Books, Birmingham, 2001, 2002
24 The translation is taken from Vincenzo Oliveti’s book Terror’s Source: The Ideology of Wahabi-Salafism and its Consequences, Amadeus Books, Birmingham, 2001, 2002.
25 AI-Waqidi, Kitab al-Maghazi, vol.3, pp. 117-118, quoted in Vincenzo Oliveti, Terror’s Source: The Ideology of Wahabi-Salafism and its Consequences, Amadeus Books, Birmingham: 2001, 2002, p. 46.
26 Some experts say the exact number of the terrorist organizations active in Bangladesh is 12. There is a complexity in calculating the numbers of the terrorist organizations as they very frequent change their names and locations to escape law enforcement agencies. However, our research shows that the exact number of the terrorist organizations active in Bangladesh is within the range 12 to 25.
Ambassador Wali-ur Rahman : Former Secretary Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Chairman, Bangladesh Heritage Foundation. Member, International Instt. of Strategic Studies (IISS). Visiting Fellow, QEH, Oxford, 1993-94.
